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UNCHARITABLE CHARITIES: NON-PROFIT HOSPITALS
ARE UNDER FIRE FOR MISTREATING THE UNINSURED
By Philip Mattera
As comprehensive healthcare reform has gone nowhere
at the federal level, advocates for the uninsured
and underinsured have targeted those portions of the
private sector that prosper from the status quo:
price-gouging pharmaceutical companies, for-profit
hospital chains that defraud the Medicare system,
heartless health insurance providers, and low-wage
employers such as Wal-Mart that deny decent coverage
to their workers and push them onto overburdened
Medicaid rolls. Now another culprit is drawing fire:
non-profit hospitals and health systems.
Tax-exempt hospitals, many of them sponsored by
religious groups, are under attack as never before,
accused of betraying their presumptive mission of
serving the poor. The assault is coming from many
directions. More than 500 hospitals are being
investigated by the Internal Revenue Service to
determine whether they are providing enough
community benefits to justify keeping their
exemption. Last month, the Senate Finance Committee
held a hearing during which hospitals were raked
over the coals. Even before the witnesses testified,
Committee Chairman Charles Grassley, an Iowa
Republican, put out a statement saying “non-profit
doesn’t necessarily mean pro-poor patient” and
suggesting their record “calls into question whether
non-profit hospitals deserve the billions of dollars
in tax breaks they receive.”
Pressure is also coming at the state and local
levels. Attorneys general in states such as
California, Ohio and Montana have been investigating
the charity-care records of non-profit hospitals,
while local property assessors are increasingly
asking those institutions to justify their exemption
from real estate taxes. Recently, the Illinois
Department of Revenue upheld a decision to revoke
the tax exemption of Provena Covenant Medical Center
of Urbana, part of a six-hospital Catholic health
system, because of an insufficient commitment to
charity care.
At the same time, non-profit hospitals have been hit
with a wave of class-action lawsuits brought on
behalf of uninsured patients who say they were
overcharged for services and then hounded when they
were unable to pay their exorbitant bills. And in a
move analogous to the “fair share” initiatives
against Wal-Mart, a bill was introduced in the
Illinois legislature earlier this year to require
non-profit hospitals to devote at least 8 percent of
their operating expenses to charity care. The odds
are increasing that non-profit hospitals will have
to make major changes in the way they operate.
LOWERING THE BAR
The definition of the charitable obligations of
hospitals has been contested terrain for decades.
Some of the earliest hospitals were
indistinguishable from almshouses, serving mainly as
repositories of the ailing poor—what historian Paul
Starr called “places of dreaded impurity and exiled
human wreckage.” The late 19th Century
saw the rise of more professional institutions,
which were divided between for-profit clinics set up
by individual physicians with the backing of wealthy
sponsors and “voluntary” hospitals supported by
religious or philanthropic groups with charitable
goals. Government-funded hospitals also grew in
number, but at a much slower rate. It was not until
much later that larger for-profit hospitals came on
the scene, led by Hospital Corporation of America,
which was founded in 1968. Today, non-profits make
up about 60 percent of the country’s community
hospitals, and many of them are affiliated with
multi-billion-dollar healthcare systems.
For the first half of the 20th Century,
larger hospitals were assumed to be focused on
providing charity care, since few Americans had the
means to pay for their own treatment. After the
Second World War, Congress gave hospitals a
financial boost with the passage of the Hill-Burton
Act, which provided federal subsidies for the
construction or modernization of healthcare
facilities. In exchange, the institutions were
supposed to provide a minimum level of charity care.
Nearly all non-profit hospitals were treated as
tax-exempt at the local level, which excused them
from paying property taxes, and at the federal
level, which allowed them to avoid corporate income
taxes, to solicit tax-deductible donations and to
use tax-exempt bonds to finance their construction
projects.
Yet tax-exempt status did not come automatically to
non-profit hospitals. The IRS had to review each
application on its own merits, which was made
difficult by the fact that the Internal Revenue Code
did not define “charitable.” To provide guidance,
the IRS issued a Revenue Ruling (No. 56-185) in
1956. Among the criteria for exemption was that a
hospital “must be operated to the extent of its
financial ability for those not able to pay for the
services rendered and not exclusively for those who
are able and expected to pay.”
That principle remained in place for more than a
decade, but in 1969—following the creation of the
Medicare and Medicaid programs, which greatly
expanded health coverage for low-income
populations—the IRS drastically relaxed the
requirements. The agency decided it was sufficient
for a non-profit hospital to provide emergency
care to indigent patients to retain its tax-exempt
status. The obligation to provide other services
without charge or at low cost was eliminated. The
revenue ruling was challenged in court by the
Eastern Kentucky Welfare Rights Organization, but in
1976 the Supreme Court found the group lacked legal
standing. In 1983 even the emergency-room criterion
was relaxed. Apparently, in the eyes of the IRS, it
was enough for a non-profit hospital to simply be in
the health business to qualify for an exemption.
Apart from corporate structure, it became difficult
to see what distinguished tax-exempt non-profit
hospitals from taxable for-profit ones.
“BIG MONEY, TAX FREE, AND NO OVERSIGHT”
The tax status issue flared up in the early 1990s,
amid concern over escalating health costs and the
possibility that charity care for the rising number
of uninsured families was falling victim to the
cost-cutting efforts of hospitals. A May 1990 report
by the General Accounting Office seemed to confirm
those fears. The report found that non-profits were
providing a smaller share of uncompensated care than
their share of the overall market. In the wake of
the report, there were Congressional hearings and
proposed legislation but no lasting change at the
federal level.
State and local officials were more aggressive, and
a number of hospitals lost their exemption from
property taxes. One of the larger institutions
targeted was Methodist Hospital in Houston.
Methodist ultimately kept its tax-exempt status by
agreeing to a settlement with the state attorney
general under which it greatly expanded its charity
care and contributed millions to create an endowment
for the indigent. The high-profile case prompted the
Texas legislature to enact a law in 1993 that set
strict charity-care requirements for all non-profit
hospitals in the state.
The latest period of scrutiny of the hospital tax
exemption began in 2004, with developments at both
the state and federal levels. State action was
concentrated in Illinois, where the Champaign County
Board of Review and then the state Department of
Revenue began the process of stripping Provena
Covenant Medical Center of its tax exemption. In
March 2004, Rep. William Thomas (R-Calif.), chair of
the House Ways & Means Committee, announced that he
intended to review the tax status of hospitals,
suggesting they may be drifting away from their
responsibility of serving the community. The Senate
Finance Committee decided to hold hearings as well,
with Chairman Grassley stating that “Big money, tax
free, and no oversight have created a cesspool in
too many cases.”
Joining these governmental initiatives were a spate
of private lawsuits filed against non-profit
hospitals. The plaintiffs’ lawyers, including
tobacco litigation veteran Richard Scruggs, alleged
that hospitals engaged in fraud, deceptive business
practices and other offenses by overcharging
uninsured patients and then hounding them when they
were unable to pay their bills. The suits,
originally brought against more than a dozen
hospitals in various parts of the country, were
intended to become a class action.
The initial defendants included a number of
institutions that engaged in what could be called
extravagant behavior. They included a Louisiana
hospital that owns a luxury hotel, one in Georgia
that flew its executives on private jets to meetings
in the Cayman Islands, and Northern Mississippi
Medical Center, which accumulated cash reserves of
$300 million and enjoyed what one bond-rating agency
called “exceptional profitability.”
The suits have had mixed results, especially in
federal courts, where several judges ruled that a
hospital’s tax-exempt status does not create a
contract to provide charity care. On the other hand,
plaintiffs’ lawyers have managed to secure some
significant out-of-court settlements, especially on
the West Coast. Last June, for instance, Catholic
Healthcare West, the largest non-profit medical
provider in California, agreed to a settlement that
could provide hundreds of millions of dollars in
refunds and bill adjustments to uninsured patients.
Two months later, a similar settlement was reached
with Sutter Health, a network of 26 hospitals in
Northern California.
THE PATIENT-WORKER CONNECTION
Politicians, tax officials and plaintiffs’ lawyers
are not the only thorns in the side of non-profit
hospitals. They are also facing increasingly
aggressive organizing drives among their employees
led by labor groups such as the Service Employees
International Union (SEIU). The unions, especially
SEIU, deserve much of the credit for bringing the
charity-care issue to the fore. Ever since SEIU
began focusing its hospital organizing on
non-profits in the late 1990s, the union has been
making a connection between the failure to serve the
uninsured and the failure to provide decent wages
and working conditions to hospital employees.
In 1997 SEIU pressured state officials in California
to review the tax status of the giant Sutter Health,
which engaged in questionable deals and compensated
its executives lavishly, all while providing a
minimum of free or low-cost care for the uninsured.
In 1999 the union released a report on the poor
state of charity care at the Catholic Healthcare
West conglomerate. In 2003 SEIU 1199 helped bring a
suit against Yale-New Haven and Bridgeport hospitals
in Connecticut on behalf of indigent patients who
had their wages garnisheed and liens put on their
homes because they couldn’t pay their bills. During
the past two years, SEIU has pressed the
charity-care issue against hospitals in states such
as Ohio, Illinois, California and Oregon. It created
a campaign
website that critiques the operations of
Providence Health & Services, a $6 billion
non-profit based in Oregon. Most recently, SEIU
United Healthcare Workers-West persuaded the
assessor of California’s Contra Costa County to
review the tax status of John Muir Medical Center
because of its extensive involvement in for-profit
ventures.
There is no evidence that Republican members of
Congress, the IRS, trial lawyers and labor unions
are colluding in a vast conspiracy against
non-profit hospitals. They undoubtedly have varying
motives for pressuring healthcare institutions over
their charity record. Yet the sum of their efforts
seems to be hastening the day when huge health
empires will no longer be able to avoid both tax
obligations and service to those most in need.
ADDITIONAL RESOURCES
Policy Matters Ohio reports on hospital
payments in lieu of taxes:
http://www.policymattersohio.org/PILOT_Reports_2004_12.htm
Northwest Federation of Community Organizations
material on its Campaigns for Fair Hospital Billing:
http://www.nwfco.org/er_doors_open.htm |